This is especially true for the Balkan Peninsula, which has entered a period of stable development after riots and wars that caused serious damage to infrastructure. The third challenge is the asymmetry of the strategic needs. On the other hand, the private sector’s needs (i.e. Enjoying this article? Now more than ever, the transatlantic partners need clarity and cohesion when it comes to China policy. And also conflicting views appeared on whether and how Chinese parties, and particularly contractors, would adapt to, and comply with, EU standards in areas such as construction. About Obviously, direct foreign investment and market access is incredibly attractive to numerous faltering European economies. Whether China’s engagements with CEE can work to the benefit or detriment of the regional countries, however, very much depends on how the region is able to respond to these engagements. On top of all this, the government acknowledges the following in its responses: Beyond earnest assurances that it is raising these issues with its Chinese counterparts, however, the government provides very little detail on the steps it is taking to push back.

The BRI was put forward with the principle of mutual complementarity of economies, taking into account the differences between China and neighboring countries, as well as taking into account all existing shortcomings in the infrastructure of all prospective participants. Nor do they have a strategic mutual need.

However, there are new challenges and problems.

Modern Ghana will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article. The goal of China's cooperation with Central and Eastern European countries is not to continue to use CEE countries as a trade route, but to combine the industrial development needs of these countries with China's large production capacity, using the potential of Central and Eastern European countries in the Chinese market. 4. One is a rail link between China and Western Europe via Poland to Germany and beyond; the other is a North – North corridor between Greece and the Baltic region through Central Europe, and Piraeus as a fast–growing center in the Mediterranean, and actors in Italy are involved in expanding their profile as part of an expanding South – North logistics network.

The sea route from China to the Greek port of Piraeus for the delivery of goods to the Balkan Peninsula, which lies at the intersection of Europe, Asia, and Africa, has great prospects. But delve into the body of the document and the tone changes quite a bit. On the other hand, China can also learn from the experiences of the 17+1 initiative so far and those lessons in its broader Belt and Road strategy. Since then, the tone used by officials in Berlin when talking about China has softened. The pandemic and the ensuing need to quarantine, often with conservative family, poses unique issues for young LGBTQ+ Chinese. The arrival of coronavirus cases from Myanmar highlights the difficulty of securing the long, winding border between the two countries. And it has also been criticized for the imprisonment since 2015 of as many as 2 million Muslim-majority Uyghurs and other Turkic minorities, according to US State Department estimates, in enormous re-education camps in Xinjiang, as part of a region-wide crackdown by Beijing. Thus, South East Europe Transport Observatory (Hereinafter SEETO – Auth. Police patrol in Hong Kong on September 6, 2020 amid protests over the government's decision to postpone elections due to coronavirus, and the national security law. Indeed, the EU’s March 2019 strategic outlook on China—which described the country as a partner, economic competitor, and systemic rival—was never formally endorsed by European leaders at the summit that followed its publication (although officials say there was broad support for it behind closed doors). Nonetheless, consumers in the EU would in principle benefit from wider choice or lower costs. However, despite the positive aspect of the development of relations between China and CEE countries within the framework of the BRI initiative, they also continue to face new challenges and problems. Enjoying this article? According to the researcher, continuing economic growth and expanding market demand make the CEE region an ideal “target market”. However, the economic relations between China and the CEE countries are still underdeveloped, - as one of the most influential institutes from Eastern Europe, the Balkan-based IFIMES of Ljubljana constantly argues: “Sino-Balkans relations have a great future due to the fact that China is one of the most important investors in Europe“. How do Southeast Asian countries view intensifying geopolitical competition between the United States and China in Asia? Thus, as a result of the analysis of China – CEE relations in the framework of the BRI project, it can be concluded that there are both positive trends and possible challenges in China – CEE relations and their role in China's relations with the EU.

said that the availability of Chinese funding can be an advantage and an opportunity. For example, the EU’s concern regarding the Belt and Road Initiative has been mainly generated by the lack of communication coming from Beijing. When taking a closer look, a clear link can be found between China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the former 16 +1, now 17+1 platform. China’s semiconductor industry faces considerable challenges in reaching global leadership status. I was told that another colleague who objected to Borrell’s handling of the episode has also submitted his resignation. It involves sophisticated foreign influence operations.